Russia, China, and the concept of Indo-Pacific. Issue 1 (January 2021)

• Record Type: Journal Article
• Authors: Denisov, Igor; Paramonov, Oleg; Arapova, Ekaterina; Safranchuk, Ivan
• Is Part Of: Journal of Eurasian studies. Volume 12:Issue 1(2021)
• Page Start: 72
• Page End: 85
• Publication Date: 2021-01
• Subjects: China -- Eurasia -- foreign policy -- Indo-Pacific region -- Russia -- strategy -- United States; Eurasia -- History -- Periodicals; Eurasia -- Civilization -- Periodicals; Civilization; Eurasia; History; Periodicals; 950.05
• DOI: 10.1177/1879366521999899
• Languages: English
• ISSNs: 1879-3665

Abstract

The newly minted concept of the "Indo-Pacific Region" (IPR) is generally seen as a response by the United States and its allies to China's growing influence in strategically important areas of the Pacific and Indian oceans. However, the view of IPR as a single (U.S.-led) anti-Beijing front is simplistic and misleading, obscuring a variety of approaches by the region's states. New Delhi has a strong tradition of non-alignment, whereas Tokyo is more interested in rules that restrict unilateral actions not only by China but also by other regional players, including the United States. Australian business is very cautious about frictions in trade relations with China. Beijing views the growing military activity of the United States off its shores, including in the South China Sea, as a threat to regional stability. According to the authoritative Chinese sources, the Indo-Pacific strategy of Donald Trump is part of broader efforts to prevent China from becoming a dominant regional and global power. At the same time, the development of Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) understanding of the Indo-Pacific region is less of a concern to Beijing, as the South-East Asian countries interested in balancing China and the United States are unlikely to fully join the fight against the "authoritarian threat." As for Russia, it unequivocally rejects the military/power-based U.S. version of the IPR concept and is more amenable to flexible versions promoted by other players, such as Tokyo's multilateral vision for the Indo-Pacific Region. In the end, the final response of Russia and China to IPR will thus be determined not only by U.S. actions but also by the behavior of other regional powers.