Countersluicing. (20th October 2019)

• Record Type: Journal Article
• Authors: Hiraiwa, Ken; Kobayashi, Yoshiaki
• Is Part Of: Syntax. Volume 23:Number 3(2020)
• Page Start: 295
• Page End: 312
• Publication Date: 2019-10-20
• Subjects: Grammar, Comparative and general -- Syntax -- Periodicals; 415
• DOI: 10.1111/synt.12190
• Languages: English
• ISSNs: 1368-0005

Abstract

Abstract: Sluicing deletes everything but a wh phrase. We document a novel phenomenon in Japanese, what we call countersluicing, in which everything but a wh phrase (and what follows it) survives deletion. Countersluicing lacks an overt wh phrase but nevertheless functions as a wh question. We propose that both countersluicing and sluicing have a cleft structure as their underlying structure. Countersluicing is derived from applying argument ellipsis to ForceP. This is exactly the opposite of what happens in sluicing in Japanese: argument ellipsis applies to a topicalized FinP. We provide several pieces of evidence for our analysis, involving multiple foci, connectivity effects, the clausemate condition, and island sensitivity.