Evaluativity in the Afrikaans Equative and Excessive Constructions. Issue 2 (3rd May 2020)

• Record Type: Journal Article
• Authors: Berghoff, Robyn
• Is Part Of: Language matters. Volume 51:Issue 2(2020)
• Page Start: 25
• Page End: 48
• Publication Date: 2020-05-03
• Subjects: degree modification -- degree semantics -- Afrikaans -- evaluativity -- markedness -- markedness shift; Africa -- Languages -- Periodicals; 496.05
• DOI: 10.1080/10228195.2020.1767180
• Languages: English
• ISSNs: 1022-8195

Abstract

Abstract: Afrikaans has two degree modifiers translatable as "much, " "many, " or "a lot, " namely veel and baie . However, the default excessive and equative constructions in Afrikaans are te veel (too much) and ewe veel (as much), not te baie and ewe baie . This article argues that veel is dominant in these constructions because the atypical/marked status of te baie and ewe baie can lend these formulations a marked meaning. Specifically, this marked meaning is argued to be one of evaluativity, where baie in these constructions makes reference to a high degree, whereas veel does not. Native speaker judgements support this interpretation, but also show that baie can have a bleached meaning in these constructions, serving as a neutral substitute for veel . This possibility is attributed to a process of markedness shift, where because of its ubiquity in other degree-modification contexts, baie is inserted in the equative and excessive as well.